Josh Petersen Making new year's resolutions

Explore drafting a new city charter for Seattle (read all 3 entries…)
Learning about freeholder charters 4 years ago

Let’s start with the basics. Seattle has had four separate Charters during its history. The first Charter was approved by an act of the Territorial Legislature on December 2, 1869. The three subsequent Charters were Freeholder Charters passed on October 1, 1890, March 3, 1896, and March 12, 1946. Our current city charter in Seattle is almost 60 years old. So if Seattle politics is feeling a little bit moribund, perhaps the fault lies in our form of government.

According to the City of Seattle’s website “Freeholder Charters are written by citizens elected at special Freeholder elections and then submitted to the electorate for ratification.” The last Freeholders Charter submitted to voters was in 1975 and it was rejected by the electorate. It proposed the election of some Council members by neighborhood districts.

What should a freeholder charter aim to accomplish? Here’s a list of some ideas I’m interested in exploring.

Formalizing neighborhood governance – Our neighborhoods influence our lives in direct ways, but Seattlites have indirect and uneven access to neighborhood governance, and neighborhood political influence is ad-hoc, unequal, and lacking any recognition in Seattle governance.

Electoral reform and de-professionalizing politics – Our City Council is made up of 9 professional, at large council members. They don’t represent your neighborhood – they get their votes and their campaign contributions from across the city. They get paid over $96,000/yr (more than twice the pay of the Austin city council) and have professional staffs. City wide elections are expensive. We’ve seen how corruption from strip-clubs to Paul Allen has worked its way into financing council races. I’d propose we look at replacing elections altogether and instead selecting citizen councils by lot, widening the council from 9 to 20-30 seats, and reduce the number of council meetings by 2/3s. Our council should be the city’s soviet – not a professionalized board of directors.

Transportation – There are 5 transit agencies operating within Seattle and Seattle citizens don’t have authority over any of them. Great cities require urban transportation. Seattle needs a city transit authority to coral Metro, Sound Transit, the Monorail, and the suburban systems that feed into Seattle to make sure our city’s transit needs are met.

Schools – It’s frustrating that Seattle’s schools suffer amid a populace that pays so much lip service to the importance of education and equality. I can’t think of a better example of this than watching the Seattle based Gates Foundation withdraw the grant given to the Seattle School district because of a lack of leadership. Let’s get rid of the Seattle school distirict and the school board and make the citizens and the city responsible for educating the children of Seattle. As Athens was a school to all of Hellas, Seattle should be a school for all the children of the city. Let’s push past the divisions of public and private schooling and forge a solution that guarantees education from preschool through college to any child born in Seattle.

Connect citizens to their city – You shouldn’t feel more attached to your video rental service than you do to your city. Through libraries, schools, community centers, and utility bills there exist the means to bring great resources to the citizens of the city. Through smart investments in information technology, Seattlites could have Wi-fi from south of Shoreline to the borders of Renton, a library service for a new millennium, and a way of getting Seattle taxpayers greater access to the services of the city through a “Seattle card” that would discount parking, entertainment, and utilities for any Seattle resident, while recouping costs for non-citizens.

Those are the ideas in my head. What do you think needs to change? Let’s learn what it would take to re-charter the city.



Comments:

Why do I always feel like the pessimist?

You bring up some good ideas, but I see some problems with others:

Neighborhoods: The city has a number of neighborhood committees that address issues within the community and provide recommendations to the mayor. One difficulty is the sheer number of neighborhood committees (http://www.seattle.gov/neighborhoods/about.htm). With neighborhood identification undefined, and with smaller neighborhoods within larger ones, it would be interesting and contentious to formalize neighborhoods and establish semi-autonomous regions. The question is, where would you draw the boundaries between the power of the neighborhoods and the power of the City? Currently the City has 38 different neighborhoods, each with a steward.

De-Professionalizing City Politics: The problem with making this a part time job is that you may not get the best people to run (which is arguably the case now), and they won’t devote 100% of their attention to the concerns of the City because they have to make ends meet. I would also make the argument that if we paid our City Council members less than the $96k, they wouldn’t be able to afford to live in the City, or it would result in nothing but wealthy millionaires running for council. The effect of having only 9 City council members, is that the concerns are narrowed down to a more manageable group. I am deeply concerned that a 20-30 member council would result in a city that is even more gridlocked than our freeways. Note, this issue of electing City Council members by area has been voted on a half a dozen times in the last couple of decades and is continually voted down by a 60% to 40% margin. The argument that Seattle-ites appear to buy into is that City-wide elections ensures that the council is focused on the welfare of the whole city, while neighborhood elections will result in horse trading that could leave some areas severely lacking (see Alaska’s bridge to no-where). I don’t know how you would reduce City council sessions, unless you reduce the issues that the City council deals with (or expedite the time they are given to mull an issue). With 3 times as many members, there is a strong likelihood that very little would get done due to the need to convince more people about a proposal. You can also imagine the outcry the first time there was a crisis, and the Council was prevented from meeting due to council meeting quotas.

Transportation: Actually, Seattle-ites do have direct control over the Monorail (two directly elected reps, the rest need to be confirmed by the elected reps) and indirect control over SDOT (through the mayor). The other agencies are regional agencies and Seattle-ites don’t have the authority to combine them into a City of Seattle agency because of the extent of their coverage. Metro was actually created by unifying all of the disparate agencies in King County and creating a unified mass transportation system (in the 1908’s). But it is a county-wide system that is controlled by King County (not Seattle).

Education: The city does have power over the Seattle School District. They review and approve the budget, as well as choose the new Superintendent. As for a lack of leadership, that is an understatement. But the problem is the special interest groups (once again). Everyone wants to have a say in the running of the district, and they are not focused on overall improvement of the students (from parents groups, to teachers, to teachers unions, to the administrative staff of the district). As a result, parents who can afford to, send their kids to private schools because they know they can get a good education there. As for providing education through college, considering that there are 4,000 students who graduate each year from the public school system in Seattle (along with another 500+ who graduate from private schools), the total cost for providing college tuition would be $160m annually at the UW if they were limited to four years of college (add in $20m more for the private school kids). The price could be reduced by 25% if you forced them to attend community colleges for the first two years. You might have a tough time convincing the local electorate to subsidize college for kids in Seattle given the bill (which undoubtedly would increase in cost by 5-7% annually).

Seattle Card: I have no problem with this idea at all. I think that it is a very good idea, especially at community centers. Unfortunately there wouldn’t be any benefit with Metro or Sound Transit (because both are regional), but there might be other areas that it can be implemented(trolley lines, street cars, monorail – if it gets built).

Josh Petersen Making new year's resolutions

Maybe because you are being pessimistic

I’m not trying to say I’ve got all the answers, I’m just tossing out some ideas. You are mostly critiquing the ideas – so let me critique the critigue.

On neighborhoods, my point is that we ought to develop the governance of the city around the governance of our neighborhoods. Divide the country into wards, Jefferson used to say. Turn every neighborhood into a schoolhouse for democracy. More neighborhoods is not a problem any more than more schools are a problem. The goal is not efficiency, the goal is democracy. Neighborhoods attach people to the city. Today, the neighborhoods play an informal, token role. Yeah, we have a department of neighborhoods, but try and figure out what actually happens at the neighborhood level. No formal authority, offices, method of handling elections etc. That is what needs to be addressed in the charter.

You seem to miss my whole point of selecting representatives by lot. This would replace elections. The way I imagine this working would allow any citizen to put their name forward to serve on a neighborhood board or local commission. Successfully serving a term would qualify you to put your name forward for another level of service, say a city board or commission, library board, school board, etc. Successful service there would qualify you for service on the city council or in the mayor’s seat. You wouldn’t need districts if we selected representatives by lot, because chance would allow a greater variety of the city to gain representation. Gone would be all the cost of elections, and the corruption that comes with them. We make the mistake of equating elections with democracy. The ancient Greeks understood that elections were the most aristocratic way to select leadership and relied on lots to select large councils to ensure that power was in the hands of the whole people, not a professional political class.

You almost answer your own objection to lot by stating that we don’t exactly get the best people through our current system of elections. That is an understatement. Have you breathed the same air as our city council? These people are enervating bores. I’d be willing to bet that a filtered system that randomly selects citizens who’ve put in their time in city governance would outperform the current council, and you wouldn’t have to pay executive’s wages to encourage public service. Our State legislature is semi-professional, serves 3 month sessions and is elected every 2 years. Why would Seattle politics require so much more legislating means than the larger State? By meeting 5 days a week, with a $200K staff budget and executive pay, the city council removes the democratic deliberations from the people and turns it into a corporate enterprise. Who can manage to track the machinations of a full time legislative operation? Not citizens, especially when most council business takes place during business hours. It becomes the realm of professional lobbyists and Seattle’s political class.

As for the size of the council – increasing its size would allow a greater diversity of opinions to be represented on the council. How many Republicans live in Seattle and how many serve on the council? How many people live in West Seattle and how many serve on the council? How many people in their 20s, how many gay and lesbian people, how many people with kids in school? There is no reason to think additional votes would lead to gridlock – the impetus for consensus comes from the exclusive, closed club of the current council. More votes would allow for real coalitions to develop and real representation of voter desires. Not concern about getting invited to Richard Conlin’s christmas carol party.

I think you have gone into fantasy land arguing citizen’s have control over transportation in Seattle. You even state that only 2 of the SMP seats are elected. The mayor and city council appoint the very board they accuse of a lack of leadership. Seattlites have voted for the monorail 4 times. That they have been thwarted by the political class in this city exemplifies why we need to recharter the city. The agencies I’m thinking of are Metro, Sound Transit, Community Transit, WSDOT, and the SMP. Anyone running transit into Seattle ought to be accountable to Seattle citizens. We don’t have to cooperate with regional planning authorities unless we choose to do so. Just as the Mayor and the City Council took away right of way from the Monorail, we could recharter the city to give citizens real control over how transit works in our city.

On education, you are playing semantics as you are on transportation. Show me an elected official in Seattle willing to take responsibility for Seattle Schools. You can’t find one. That is the problem I’m talking about. And the college bill for 4,500 young Seattlites is trivial relative to the benefits we would see. You don’t need to make it a give away. Most universities already guarantee aid to students in need. Seattle funding of education could all be means tested to simply articulate that Seattle will educate all it’s children, and no child will miss out because of lack of funds.

Nothing great is done easily!

(This comment was deleted.)
(This comment was deleted.)

I need some clarification

On your system of lots, I was hoping that you would expound on your idea. What is the structure of the system? How often would people be elected? On what issues (if any) would individual citizens vote on directly, versus elected officials?

You mention breaking it into neighborhoods. Will these neighborhoods be based on traditional boundaries, or will it be based on demographics such as congressional legislative districts?

What would be the next tier of public service? What steps would a person have to achieve before being allowed to run for City Council or Mayor?

You mentioned that in order for a person to be accepted to run for the next tier, that they would have had to “successfully” complete a term. Who would define “successful”, or is that simply the completion of the term?

What would the revised structure be over the transportation department that would give citizens “real control” over how transit works in the city.

Right now we directly elect a mayor and nine city council members. Together, they select individuals to run SDOT. The people of Seattle don’t directly elect the top position at SDOT, but indirectly do so through elected officials. How is that any different than electing a neighborhood representative who in turn selects and votes in a manager at SDOT? Seems that both are insulated from the direct voting public by one or more levels of elected officials.

The biggest question that I guess I have, is if the City Council and the Mayor are doing such a bad job, why don’t we just vote them out of office? You mention that our city officials are failing at transportation, education, and listening to all voices and issues. Seems like the easiest solution to this problem would be to elect new representatives.

One thing to keep in mind about regional transportation, is jurisdiction. Laws and organizations at the county level cannot be impacted by laws and structure at the city level. For example, if King County chooses to build a building in downtown Seattle, they don’t have to get approval from the City of Seattle (hell, they don’t even have to get a building permit). The same goes with the state over the county, and with some minor exceptions, the federal government over the state. In other words, there is no legal means for the people of Seattle to exert control over county level organizations.

Now the extreme alternative is the Eyman solution: make everything a vote of the people. But I get the impression that the solution you proposed is the opposite. Elect a representative on a local level, who in turn elects people to the next level, who in turn selects people to the next level, etc. until you get to the mayor.

Stupid computers,

tried posting a comment three times before it finally worked…..

Josh Petersen Making new year's resolutions

More on Lot

Mark, first, thanks for engaging me on this topic and asking more questions. I haven’t thought it all through, and clearly, re-chartering the city will be a group effort, but for me, connecting citizens to their city in a more direct way is fundamental to what I want to achieve out of charter reform.

I’m going to get to the answer by going a round about direction. Modern democrats tend to equate the exercise of the franchise with the exercise of political power. Traditionally, democratic political theorists have posited democratic control through many other sorts of institutions which have largely withered away. The people out of doors, public speech in parks or on corners, a free press, public deliberation – and in many democratic ages – large public councils – have been important institutions for the whole people to exercise democratic control. Today, the public square is largely devoid of politics. It is a walkway between shopping centers, a hygiene stop for homeless people, and stopping and talking about politics with a fellow citizen is considered rude and aggressive behavior. Such is the state of civic life in Seattle.

One of my favorite differences between Greek democracy and our own is the institution of ostracism. This treasured democratic institution practiced by the ancient Greeks highlights the very different attitudes we have today from our democratic forebears. The Greeks understood that the powerful and wealthy members of society would attempt to influence the public, through graft, patronage, and often, elections in which votes were bought and monied interests combined with public matters. The institution of ostracism was created to allow the people of a greek city-state to expel a bothersome citizen from the city even if they had not broken any laws, precisely because they understood that the wealthiest and most powerful citizens could influence the very creation and administration of the laws. Today, we are offended by the lack of due process the institution of ostracism represents, and we fear for the Socrates that suffers at the hands of the demos more than the populace, in the grips of monied interest. In many ways we are a liberal society more than a democratic one. But who wouldn’t like to give Frank Carluccio or Paul Allen the boot?

What’s the value of this roundabout journey of political theory? Perhaps now we can better address your concern about why, if we have the franchise, we don’t just vote out our rulers. It is an interesting question, with reelection rates in the US Congress rivaling those of the Soviet Politburo, with the US Senate a club of some 90plus millionaires, with hundreds of millions of dollars spent by corporations, unions, and wealthy citizens to influence electoral outcomes, why don’t we just use the franchise to select better representatives? Perhaps it is because the electoral system is so thoroughly corrupted that the monied interests have figured out how to buy the electoral outcomes they desire? Perhaps it is because political interests have figured out how to make their districts safe and the political spectrum so constrained, that the nation is divided between two parties, funded by largely the same sources, who campaign in safe districts for your vote? Perhaps because both, along with a corporatized media, have trivialized politics to a point where more people trust a comedian on a fake news show to give it to them straight than our local reporters or editors? Elections in America are largely bread and circuses. The political class encourages you to equate democracy with elections because they’ve got the system rigged.

Now let’s bring it home to Seattle. Why does our Mayor run basically unopposed? Why do we not have a single libertarian, Republican, or Green party member on our council? Why do Seattle voters get a stadium they didn’t vote for and fail to get the monorail they asked for 4 time? Because Seattle is in the grips of a political class that sets the rules for how politics works in the city. And it works on their terms. You’ll lose your invitation to the Richard Conlin Christmas carol party if you challenge the Mayor. You wont be taken seriously by the press if you talk from the heart, instead of from the Business Rountable’s talking points. We don’t have districts in the city so that the majority takes all elections wipes out minority representation – and so that the campaigns are more expensive to run – and thus easier to influence with donations.

Anyway, sorry for the rant.

My idea about lot is very under-developed. Here’s how I see it starting. We begin to formalize a list of neighborhood councils that are already in existence, along with a list of neighborhoods recognized by the city that lack functioning councils or regular elections. From there we start to establish regular methods that would apply across the city for selecting members of these neighborhood councils. We begin asking citizens of these geographically defined neighborhoods to volunteer for public service. Out of the volunteers, a lottery is held and a council is selected. Eventually, I think this should involve 1-2 year terms with lots drawn every year to replace up to half the council. Citizens wouldn’t be eligible to serve back to back terms, but would be able to serve multiple times on the councils. Additionally, some areas of city government would be devolved to these councils. Parks and schools would be two areas I’d look to first, as well as neighborhood traffic issues.

Successfully completing a term on the neighborhood council to my mind would look like 1- 2 years service with no ethics violations and meeting some standard for regular attendance.

My notion of “the next level” of service – would likely involve city wide boards and commissions such as transportation, utilities, finance, libraries, parks, as well as the paternalistic ones the city now has like bike rider advocacy or pedestrian advocacy. A citizen who served on their neighborhood council and a city commission or board would become eligible to serve on the city council. Citizens who complete service on the city council would become eligible to serve as mayor. It would take a citizen at least 4-6 years of service (and rapid good fortune) to get selected as the mayor. More often, it would take decades of civic involvement and commitment. I think readership of local papers and blogs along with interest in public life could flourish as people came to see that they could be directly involved in the governance of the city, should they be called upon for service.

Now, I’ve written too many words already, but let me point out that if citizens were more directly attached to their city, Seattle could be schoolhouse for democracy. If Seattle citizens were empowered and educated to participate in their public life, they wouldn’t accept the regional authority that has been placed over us. The idea that the citizens of Seattle have to be subservient to the transportation planners of regional authorities or even state legislators is silly. Seattle is the engine of the regional and state economy. We have the means to determine the city we want, free of subservience. If we have a free citizenry, we can have a free city, and begin to make our own decisions about which stadiums we want and which we do not, which transit solutions we support, and which we do not – how much we want to fund education, what tests we want to administer, and basically, how we want to live our lives. The point of re-chartering the city is not to accept the politcal system as it is. The goal is to change it.

workable...

but i would change up the notion that you must serve on a neighborhood council prior to that of a board or commission.

the concept of progression is nice, but it goes on the assumption that people identify with their neighborhoods and likewise it doesn’t seem to account for the greater mobility of folks, especially those in their 20s.

i love the notion of getting ppl more involved from the get go. my concern is narrowing the first step of the process so much it serves as a barrier to entry for people.

for example, right now there are lots of programs that gets people in their 20s and 30s placed on city boards and commissions. if the notion is to serve on a neighborhood council before all the others, this becomes problematic. not only are people not always identifying with a neighborhood, but people often move around a lot.

instead, what if this lottery notion were expanded to a wider array of positions—boards, commissions and neighborhood councils? course, i’m not sure what this would do to having younger people on the board. would need to look at geographically specific population stats.

of course, all of this is just theory. do we know if something like this has been tried (other than juries)?

To further clarify.....

So how do you engage the community without an established public square? Is the internet the ideal forum to get people talking? Or do the nieghborhood committees become the public square? Will the public be activated if those who are put on the committee are chosen at random, as their position on the committee is not contingent on them listening to their neighbors and taking their concerns seriously?

Would there be any limits on ostracism? You mention it as an option, but what kind of requirements of limits would there be? I assume you are talking about a physical expulsion from the City. How could we make sure that it isn’t used unjustly (such as expelling someone for a particular set of political or personal beliefs)? It seems like ostracism has the negative potential of suppressing people’s true thoughts and feelings, for fear of being booted out due to a lack of popularity.

Minor point but as far as the influence of parties, City elections are non-partisan. That is not to say that the different parties or a number of special interest groups don’t endorse candidates.

You bring up some great questions as far as the lack of competitive races in Congress. But why do people in those districts continue to vote for those individuals again and again? I would be curious to see how many people vote the ticket with their party. That seems to be the part of the problem (is this an abdication of voting responsbility?). One local example is Jim McDermott. He is continually voted in with barely a challenge, and yet I don’t think I have ever seen him at a local event. Sometimes he is in town for a big media circus, but how often do you see him at the smaller events? He sure doesn’t seem too concerned about transportation or other local issues in his district (why isn’t he on every transportation committee possible, given the needs of this City?). Another example is the Alaska representative, Don Young (name?), he is continually voted in year after year. I suppose I can understand the logic of the citizens of Alaska, he brings in a lot of federal dollars for local transportation projects (Macchiavellian to say the least).

You mentioned that a person would have to serve on lower boards prior to being able to serve on a higher level. It appears that many politicians follow that route right now, and are still seduced by special interests. By creating a small group of individuals who are able to run for higher office, aren’t you providing a smaller target pool for the special interests to focus on corrupting?

One last question, is the media part of the problem or the solution?


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